JUNE 6 — The call for Asean to establish a joint and comprehensive drone strategy — one that is integrated from end to end — is not only timely but necessary. As highlighted in The Edge Malaysia’s recent analysis, unmanned aerial systems (UAS) are no longer the preserve of great powers. Their utility spans civilian, commercial, and military spheres, and for South-east Asia — home to some of the world’s busiest sea lanes and most porous borders — drones are fast becoming a critical component of future security management.
Asean member states must recognise that the fragmented and ad hoc development of drone capabilities within the region leaves the bloc vulnerable — not only to transnational threats such as piracy, human trafficking, and smuggling — but also to external criticisms that Asean lacks the cohesion to defend its own strategic commons.
The urgency of a region-wide drone policy becomes clearer when viewed through the lens of Washington’s growing dissatisfaction with Asean defence spending. US Secretary of Defence Peter Hegseth has recently urged Asian allies to increase their defence expenditures to 5 per cent of GDP, a threshold that, while theoretically aligned with Washington’s Indo-Pacific deterrence posture, is both economically unrealistic and politically hazardous for most Asean states.
This call, if implemented blindly, would spark an action-reaction spiral in the region. Smaller Asean economies cannot afford such a massive reallocation of fiscal resources without harming their development priorities. Worse, this could inadvertently ignite a regional arms race, thereby undermining Asean’s founding mission of peace, prosperity, and neutrality.
Instead, the development of a collective Asean drone strategy offers a cost-effective and scalable alternative to brute-force military spending. Through a shared doctrine that standardises surveillance, patrol, data sharing, maritime mapping, and airspace management, Asean can boost deterrence while avoiding dangerous escalation.
The writer says Asean should build a joint drone strategy — a smarter, scalable response to regional threats that avoids triggering an arms race and keeps the bloc’s strategic autonomy intact. — Picture By Raymond Manuel
To be effective, this drone framework must be rooted in interoperability, indigenous capability-building, and mutual trust. Member states like Singapore and Malaysia already possess considerable UAS capabilities, while others such as Vietnam, Thailand, and Indonesia are rapidly catching up. By pooling these assets under a regionally coordinated command and information-sharing protocol, Asean can maximise coverage across its extensive maritime zones — from the Malacca Strait to the Sulu Sea.
Such an initiative would also reinforce the Asean Political-Security Community (APSC), giving substance to its goal of a “rules-based, people-oriented, and people-centred community.” It can also extend to civil protection tasks, such as monitoring illegal fishing, forest fires, and climate-sensitive zones, thereby creating a whole-of-region ecosystem for drone use that aligns with both security and sustainability goals.
Moreover, by presenting a united front in drone governance, Asean can push back against external dependency and technological coercion — such as restrictions from major drone-exporting countries — or the emergence of dual-use dilemmas, where drones are co-opted for foreign intelligence-gathering or cyber espionage.
To avoid the mistakes of over-militarisation, Asean must anchor its drone policy in transparency and track 1.5 diplomacy, regularly engaging China, India, the GCC, the EU, and the US in technical dialogues and code-of-conduct discussions. This enhances confidence-building measures (CBMs), prevents incidents at sea or in airspace, and protects Asean’s strategic autonomy.
It is also worth emphasising that a joint drone strategy is not an arms race by another name. Rather, it is the embodiment of smart security spending, one that enables regional collaboration and coordination, without falling into the trap of Cold War-era defence spirals. Unlike tanks and submarines, drones offer flexible, mobile, and precise surveillance with a fraction of the financial and environmental costs.
Indeed, Asean’s ability to operationalise drone cooperation may become the litmus test of its broader institutional relevance in the evolving Indo-Pacific order. The region cannot afford to be seen as inert or indifferent — especially at a time when external powers are once again pressuring South-east Asia to choose sides or increase defence postures beyond sustainable levels.
In conclusion, Asean needs to own the narrative of responsible innovation and cooperative defence. Establishing a comprehensive, integrated drone policy will not only address real security threats like piracy and human trafficking — it will also deflect unwarranted criticism from actors like Secretary Hegseth, whose sweeping demand for 5 per cent defence spending is deeply out of sync with the development goals and fiscal realities of Asean states.
Rather than escalate regional tensions, Asean can show the world how a low-cost, high-return, technologically progressive security model can preserve peace, promote sovereignty, and reinforce the foundations of an integrated and inclusive security community.
*Phar Kim Beng, PhD is professor of Asean Studies, International Islamic University Malaysia and a Senior Visiting Fellow, University of Cambridge.
**This is the personal opinion of the writer or publication and does not necessarily represent the views of Malay Mail.
